Publish in Perspectives - Wednesday, September 9, 2015
President Rafael Correa at an event in Chillogallo on September 5, 2015. (Photo: Ecuador President's Office)
President Rafael Correa has worn out his welcome.
BY WALTER T. MOLANO
January 2007, Rafael Correa donned
Ecuador’s presidential sash, and became its 56th head of state.
Armed with a Ph.D. from the University of Illinois and trained under the wings
of Werner Baer, Correa marked the
start of a new era.
His close affiliation with Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez and Bolivian President Evo Morales made him a card-carrying member of the Bolivarian movement. He antagonized investors soon after taking office when he selectively defaulted on the country’s debt, and then bought back the bonds at a deep discount.
However, he also enjoyed the combined benefits of the oil boom and the weak U.S. dollar. The Ecuadorian government fully dollarized in 1999, in a desperate attempt to stabilize the collapsing economy. The move turned out to be fortuitous because the greenback was extremely weak for the next dozen years. This allowed Ecuador to steal a march on its neighbors. For example, Ecuadorian flower growers gained market share from Colombian competitors, even taking control over the lucrative Russian market. The oil boom allowed Quito to pour millions of dollars into new roads and highways, thus modernizing the country’s infrastructure and transportation network. At the same time President Correa was able to increase his grip on the country’s political apparatus, becoming a virtual autocrat in the style of Hugo Chavez.
However, he has worn out his welcome. Buffeted by the decline in oil prices and the unending appreciation of the dollar, the economic wizard has run out of tricks. The economy is faltering, and social unrest is on the rise. The Correa story is looking worn around the edges, and it is time for change.
numbers look tired. Plunging oil prices are putting squeeze on the country’s
fiscal and external accounts. The fiscal deficit is estimated at more than 3
percent of GDP, and the trade deficit is projected at more than $4 billion.
Fortunately, remittances are picking up. A large number of Ecuadorians live in
the U.S. and Spain, two economies that are rebounding. One of the main problems
is that oil accounts for 60 percent of exports, and the decline in energy
prices has led to a massive reduction in royalties. Now, the government must
launch an extensive fiscal reform to make up for the shortfall. The extent of
the adjustment could be upwards of 10 percent of GDP.
To make matters worse, its major trading partners/competitors have seen their currencies devalue almost 50 percent against the dollar. On a trade weighted basis, given that devaluation is not an option, the country will need to reduce its real exchange rate by as much as 25 percent. This can only be achieved by wage cuts and a massive reduction in costs. Argentina tried valiantly to impose such a draconian adjustment from 1999 to 2001. However, it was not able to so. In the end, the Argentines decided to throw in the towel. The devaluation of the Argentine peso coincided with default, and a deep economic adjustment that wiped out the financial system. Nothing of the sort is being contemplated in Ecuador, yet. However, S&P reduced the country’s sovereign credit rating to B, from B+. The official projection for GDP growth this year was reduced to 1.9 y/y, from 4.1 percent y/y. However, there is a good chance that this year’s change in output will be in negative territory.
economic malaise is fueling political unrest. Although President Correa was
elected to three terms in office, his support has been waning. In July, a
survey conducted by CEDATUS/Gallup, put his support level below his rejection
level for the first time since he took office. A national survey showed that 46
percent of the population disapproved of his policies, while 45 percent approved
it. A national strike was launched in early August, and thousands of
indigenous peasants marched on Quito chanting, ‘out with Correa.’ There is a
great deal of resentment against a recent legislative proposal allowing
unrestricted re-elections. Given the president’s stranglehold on the political
apparatus, it is possible that the law could be approved. Correa’s mandate ends
in 2017. He has not made any indication that he would run again, but he did say
that he would go for a fourth term in office if the country needed it. His
magnanimous gesture only provoked further anger. The problem is that Ecuador
has no real political party system. Therefore, it is hard to know who would be
the possible contenders. In Latin America, economic stability is typically proportional
to the robustness of the political party system. Therefore, it is hard to see
what lies ahead, but it probably won’t be anything good.
Walter Molano is head of research at BCP Securities and the author of In the Land of Silver: 200 Years of Argentine Political-Economic Development.